reLAKSation 192.

Obvious, isn’t it?: According to Intrafish, Claude Veron-Reville, spokeswoman for EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson, told the Danish news bureau, Ritzau that ‘it is obvious that Norway is dumping salmon’. Yet, the one thing that is totally obvious to us at Callander McDowell, is that it isn’t obvious at all that Norway is dumping salmon into the EU. 

We assume that Ms Veron-Reville believes that it is obvious that dumping has occurred because as recorded in paragraph 36 of Commission Regulation 628, for eight of the exporting producers sampled, a dumping margin could be calculated. To be clear what this means, the regulation states that the weighted average normal value for each product exported to the Community was compared with the weighted average export price of the corresponding type of product concerned. The dumping margins found ranged from 6.8% to 37.7% with an average value of 22.5%.

We don’t doubt that the Commission did find such dumping margins, but what we question is whether these dumping margins prove that dumping had actually occurred.

Dumping margins have been found by the Commission in every previous dumping case against Norway and by the US authorities in cases against both Norway and Chile. There has yet to be a single case involving farmed salmon in which no dumping margins were found. Are these dumping margins part of a pattern or even as some might suggest, part of a world conspiracy to dump fish into the major salmon markets?

In their submission to the European Commission, the EUSPG state that ‘the salmon farming industry has a long a relatively inflexible production cycle.’ Not only would we at Callander McDowell fully concur with this view but we would also argue that the salmon’s natural life cycle is extremely complex and this is echoed by the farming process. There are two features of the salmon life cycle that can significantly affect the production process. The first is that salmon are cold blooded animals and therefore temperature greatly affects the growth rates. Within a defined temperature range, salmon will grow faster in warmer waters. This means that salmon grown off the west coast of Ireland, which benefits from the warming waters of the Gulf Stream should grow a lot faster than fish grown in the northern extremes of Norway. Cool spells in warmer climes slow down growth, whilst warm spells in cooler climes, speed it up.

The second feature is that salmon have a capability of early maturation. Salmon, usually in their first year at sea, which mature early are known as grilse. From the farmers point of view, grilse are a problem. The fish start to put all their energies into reproduction rather than growth and the longer that this is allowed to progress, the poorer the eating quality of the fish. Fortunately, it is easy to identify such grilse because these changes are accompanied by changes in skin colouration which is an indication of a return to fresh water.

When salmon start to grilse, they must be harvested even though they are still relatively small fish. In terms of profitability, it is usually best if farmers can grow salmon as large as possible. The sea cycle of the production process usually last two years, but most of the real growth appears in the last few months. Harvesting fish when they are still small is uneconomic but in the case of grilse, is essential. The relative cost of producing grilse is high, but the returns are low. In economic terms, the farmer would prefer to leave the fish to grow more but he has no choice.

We would argue that dumping margins are an inevitable artefact of the combined effects of a complex life cycle, variable growth rates and early maturation. It is for these reasons, that dumping margins have always been found during dumping investigations.

The likelihood of finding these margins is enhanced by the character of the spot investigations conducted by the Trade Directorate. In this current case, the investigation covered a period of 10 months, but the salmon life cycle can last three years. The investigators are only getting a snapshot of what is happening. This maybe perfectly acceptable in other type of trade investigations such as steel, where the production process is extremely short. In the morning, the steel works can have a set of ingredients and by the afternoon can have changed this into the finished steel product. This is very different from what happens in salmon farming.

The almost certain presence of dumping margins in farmed salmon does not mean that such dumping margins will be found in salmon from Norway. Dumping margins will undoubtedly be identified in every salmon farm including those in Scotland. The problem for the Norwegian farmers trying to defend themselves against these accusations is that whilst the investigators sample some Community producers to discover the extent of the supposed injury, they do not look for dumping margins ,but we are sure that if they looked, they would find them.

Whilst it is obvious that dumping margins do exist, it is clearly not obvious that dumping has actually occurred.

That Community producers have resorted to repeated anti-dumping cases over the last fifteen years, continuously disrupting the marketplace in the process, masks the fact that the real issue has nothing to do with dumping nor has ever had anything to do with dumping, nor is likely to in the future. The real issue concerns the market image of Scottish salmon. Community producers believe that their salmon is superior to any other, especially imported Norwegian salmon and that consumers should be willing to pay a premium price to buy it.

The main reason that salmon was selected as a candidate species for farming in Scotland was because the wild fish had a high market price and a luxury market image. This was simply because salmon had an inherent rarity value. They were in short supply and in common with all luxury goods, this meant that consumers were often willing to pay a much higher price. What the pioneering farmers failed to appreciate is that the very act of farming would seriously undermine this rarity value and as salmon become more common, consumers would be less willing to pay a high price to buy it.

In 1989 the price finally collapsed. Salmon farmers were producing too much salmon for the small luxury market and the high price could not be sustained. Scottish farmers considered this to be a catastrophe. They blamed the presence of Norwegian salmon in the European market for devaluing the Scottish image. They called in an agricultural consultant whose view was that the market was saturated, the industry had become saturated and the problem had been exacerbated by the presence of Norwegian salmon in the marketplace. Unfortunately, this view was wrong, however, the Scottish industry now had someone to blame and their immediate response was to accuse Norway of dumping cheap salmon into Europe.

Why this consultant was wrong was because the market for salmon was far from saturated as the subsequent fifteen years have clearly demonstrated. What had happened was that the small niche market for salmon as a luxury product had become saturated, but falling prices had created a whole new demand for value for money salmon, which has continued to grow unabated. This meant that the market image of salmon had changed from a luxury treat occasion to a value for money every day meal choice. To cater for this market, the salmon industry had also to change. From being an industry of high margins and low volumes, it had to evolve into one of low margins and high volumes.

As the new market developed, consumers became less interested in the origin of the salmon, whether it was of superior quality and much more interested in whether it could be used in the every day family meal. Price became much more important.

Unfortunately, this was not the image these Community producers wanted for their salmon. They still perceived their salmon as something special, but as demand increased beyond the capabilities of  the Community industry, more salmon flowed into Europe from Norway. With more salmon to choose from, consumers were unable to tell one slab of fillet from another and any differential between Scottish and Norwegian salmon began to disappear. Community producers found that whilst they were still producing a supposedly superior product, they were actually competing directly against Norwegian salmon. This was not what they wanted.

The point of bringing a dumping case is simple. If the flow of salmon from Norway can be restricted or even stopped, then suddenly salmon would again be in short supply and thus artificially regaining its rarity value and thus its perceived market image.

It is only necessary to read the words of Angus Morgan responding to the imposition of provisional dumping duties to see that this is true. On the 22nd April he said ‘For the future we can now look forward to be in a position to supply consumers in the UK and in Europe with what they most prize – Irish and Scottish salmon’. What they most prize? The problem for Mr Morgan and the EUSPG is that they have never gone out into the market and seen what consumers really want. Their view of the salmon market stems from the past and this is where the salmon industry will remain unless the Commission realise that they have made a grave error in allowing this anti-dumping case to progress. Equally, Mr Morgan and his colleagues in the EUSPG need to recognise that their vision of the salmon industry has long gone. It is time to adapt to the new realities of the marketplace rather than try to adapt the market to their vision.

Claude Veron-Reville said that dumping isn’t a fair practice; it is a predatory practice designed to win markets in an unfair fashion. What she doesn’t realise is that the Norwegians are not winning markets from the Community, but meeting an untapped share of a growing market which the Community industry cannot supply. The EUSPG have never supplied any examples of Community producers who have been unable to sell their salmon because of a market saturated with Norwegian fish. They may not be getting the price they want, but the markets are driven by the consumer not the producer. This is why those farming companies that are now successful are those that have moved from the production-led strategies of old to those which are more market-led. Instead of producing the salmon these companies think that the consumers want, as in the EUSPG’s case, they are now producing the salmon that the consumers actually want.

It is not to late for the European Commission to realise this. After all, its obvious isn’t it?

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